We Interrupt your Regularly Scheduled Programming for a Bit of Deprogramming
Posted: April 12, 2011 Filed under: Catfood Commission, Domestic Policy, Economic Develpment, financial institutions, income inequality | Tags: helping the world's poor, Income Inequality, tax havens 9 CommentsIt’s time for my regular rant on how bad income inequality is for an economy. I know that John Boenher wants to transfer all the resources in the country to so-called job creators and that CEO Hacks are trying to turn the public school system into a drone production unit, but as usual, I’m going to interrupt the messaging with empirical evidence. I’m just one of those people that doesn’t believe any one unless they back it up with honest numbers. This time, I’m going to direct you to a study by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Just in case you don’t already know, the IMF is not exactly a bastion of comrades-in-arms. They’ve been soundly criticized by developing nations for exporting American-style capitalism wherever they go to provide help to struggling nations. So, with that in mind, here’s a briefing on the study titled “Warning! Inequality May be Hazardous to your Health”.
Their introduction is so meaty that I’m going to leave it nearly wholesale for you before I return to editing more things for a development journal. Finding ways to raise every one’s boat is my thing, just in case you never noticed.
Many of us have been struck by the huge increase in income inequality in the United States in the past thirty years. The rich have gotten much richer, while just about everyone else has had very modest income growth.
Some dismiss inequality and focus instead on overall growth—arguing, in effect, that a rising tide lifts all boats. But assume we have a thousand boats representing all the households in the United States, with boat length proportional to family income. In the late 1970s, the average boat was a 12 foot canoe and the biggest yacht was 250 feet long. Thirty years later, the average boat is a slightly roomier 15 footer, while the biggest yacht, at over 1100 feet, would dwarf the Titanic! When a handful of yachts become ocean liners while the rest remain lowly canoes, something is seriously amiss.
In fact, inequality matters. And it matters in all corners of the globe. You need look no further than the role it might have played in the historic transformation underway in the Middle East.
The increase in U.S. income inequality in recent decades is strikingly similar to the increase in the 1920s. In both cases there was a boom in the financial sector, poor people borrowed a lot, and it all ended in huge financial crises. Did the recent financial crisis result somehow from the increase in inequality?
Some time ago, we became interested in long periods of high growth (“growth spells”) and what keeps them going. The initial thought was that sometimes crises happen when a “growth spell” comes to an end, as perhaps occurred with Japan in the 1990s.
We approached the problem as a medical researcher might think of life expectancy, looking at age, weight, gender, smoking habits, etc. We do something similar, looking for what might bring long “growth spells” to an end by focusing on factors like political institutions, health and education, macroeconomic instability, debt, trade openness, and so on.
Somewhat to our surprise, income inequality stood out in our analysis as a key driver of the duration of “growth spells”.
We found that high “growth spells” were much more likely to end in countries with less equal income distributions. The effect is large. For example, we estimate that closing, say, half the inequality gap between Latin America and emerging Asia would more than double the expected duration of a “growth spell”. Inequality seemed to make a big difference almost no matter what other variables were in the model or exactly how we defined a “growth spell”. Inequality is of course not the only thing that matters but, from our analysis, it clearly belongs in the “pantheon” of well-established growth factors such as the quality of political institutions or trade openness.
While income distribution within a given country is pretty stable most of the time, it sometimes moves a lot. In addition to the United States in recent decades, we’ve also seen changes in China and many other countries. Brazil reduced inequality significantly from the early 1990s through a focused set of transfer programs that have become a model for many around the world. A reduction of the magnitude achieved by Brazil could—albeit with uncertainty about the precise effect—increase the expected length of a typical “growth spell” by about 50 percent.
The upshot? It is a big mistake to separate analyses of growth and income distribution. A rising tide is still critical to lifting all boats. The implication of our analysis is that helping to raise the lowest boats may actually help to keep the tide rising!
That basically says that no one’s boat will really rise as much as it could unless all boats rise. Intuitively, this makes sense because if you think about it, businesses need customers. Poor customers just don’t buy as much unless you provide them with good incomes. Unless you want make government the primary customer in an economy or you’re deluded into thinking business investment will ever be the major agent in GDP, you realize that household consumers are the true center of any market economy. Denying them incomes denies every one of incomes. Just providing monies to the top 1 or 2 percent who are now likely to take their spending and investment any where on the planet is just delusional. Actually, if you want some really good reading on that, I suggest you pick up the book Tax Havens: How Globalization Really Works (Cornell Studies in Money).
In Tax Havens, Ronen Palan, Richard Murphy, and Christian Chavagneux provide an up-to-date evaluation of the role and function of tax havens in the global financial system-their history, inner workings, impact, extent, and enforcement. They make clear that while, individually, tax havens may appear insignificant, together they have a major impact on the global economy. Holding up to $13 trillion of personal wealth—the equivalent of the annual U.S. Gross National Product—and serving as the legal home of two million corporate entities and half of all international lending banks, tax havens also skew the distribution of globalization’s costs and benefits to the detriment of developing economies.
The first comprehensive account of these entities, this book challenges much of the conventional wisdom about tax havens. The authors reveal that, rather than operating at the margins of the world economy, tax havens are integral to it. More than simple conduits for tax avoidance and evasion, tax havens actually belong to the broad world of finance, to the business of managing the monetary resources of individuals, organizations, and countries. They have become among the most powerful instruments of globalization, one of the principal causes of global financial instability, and one of the large political issues of our times.
There’s not really much difference between the Gadhaffi family and the Koch brothers when it comes to where the money goes from exploiting national resources. It’s also really no surprise that when you observe the countries that have the highest per capita incomes in the world that you find the world’s tax havens in the top tiers. (Norway and the US are the only countries in the top ten that aren’t tax havens.) Giving money to the richest folks in your country–the behavior of so-called banana republics–is detrimental to the economic health of that country in many ways. It’s just another way that financial institutions and financial innovation has gutted the productive capability of many a country.
The original IMF study–released on April 8, 2011–is here. I would like to point to the policy implications and suggestions section which makes going to the original study imperative. Think about this when you listen to US banana republic President Obama speak tomorrow on the marvels of the catfood commission’s report. Notice there are other studies cited in the policy suggestions.
There is nonetheless surely policy scope to improve income distribution without undermining incentives—perhaps even improving them—and thereby contribute to lengthening the duration of growth spells.
- Better targeting of subsidies can be a win-win proposition, as with the reallocation of fiscal resources towards subsidies of goods that are consumed mainly by the poor,which can free up capacity to finance public infrastructure investment while better protecting the poor (Coady et al., 2010).
- Active labor market policies to foster job-richer recoveries (ILO, 2011) may help to make recoveries more sustainable, especially as rising unemployment appears to be associated with deteriorations in the income distribution (Heathcote, Perri, and Violante, 2010).
- Equality of opportunity can make for both more equal and more efficient outcomes (World Bank, 2005). For example, effective investments in health and education—human capital—may be able to square the circle of promoting durable growth and equity while avoiding shorter-run disincentive effects (Gupta et al., 1999). Such investments could strengthen the labor force‘s capacity to cope with new technologies (which may have contributed to more inequality in a number of cases), and thereby not only reduce inequality but also help sustain growth. They could also help countries address possible adverse distributional consequences of globalization and reinforce its growth benefits.
- Some countries have managed through pro-poor policies to markedly reduce income inequality. Brazil, for example, after its market-oriented reforms of 1994 implemented active propoor distributional policies, notably, social assistance spending, that were critical to substantial reductions in poverty (Ravallion, 2009).
- Well-designed progressive taxation and adequate bargaining power for labor can also be important in promoting equity, though with due attention to the need to avoid dual labor markets that perpetuate divisions between insiders and outsiders.
Yes, I bolded the sections that are in absolute contradiction with current US political groupthink. I guess Obama just really isn’t that into development policy or research in economics. Read them and weep for what could be. Meanwhile, turn on the TV and go right back to the villagers promoting the idea that trickle up economics makes all of us better off, if you dare.
Karl Marx: The Comeback Kid
Posted: April 10, 2011 Filed under: Economic Develpment, financial institutions, Global Financial Crisis | Tags: Commerce, economics, finance, Financial Development, Financial Institutions, Karl Marx 23 Comments
technology, pushing them to take more and more expensive credits, until their debt becomes unbearable. The unpaid debt will lead to bankruptcy of banks, which will have to be nationalised, and the State will have to take the road which will eventually lead to communism”Karl Marx, Das Kapital, 1867
Okay, I got your attention and that’s my purpose. I’m really not a closet Marxist, but I do feel that some of that old school political economics he brought to the realm of economic thinking way back when is still worth contemplating. The above quote from Marx is a fairly good summation of his intellectual endeavors. He starts out with some really great assumptions then jumps the shark with vague, unmapped conclusions, But, Marx was a philosopher and jumping sharks seems to be an occupational hazard for them. Economics these days relies on mathematical models and empirical study.
Marx is one of those folks–along with equally fringe Frederick Hayek– who is getting a second look in a back-handed way. What’s pretty interesting is that a lot of the criticism of Marx and Lenin forgets that they had more against “financial capitalists” than they had against “industrial capitalists”. Both Rand and Ron Paul sort’ve remind me of them in that way. Marx actually looked at us ideally as a society of producers. He didn’t like how financiers fit into that picture at all. He railed against the UK’s Bank Act of 1844 that was a response to a fairly huge financial crisis. He argued that the “1844 Act had been deliberately designed to keep interest rates artificially high, benefiting the financial section of the capitalist class at the expense of the industrial section”. He also had a lot to say about paper money that wasn’t convertible to things like gold and it’s hard not to hear Marx in Ron Paul’s diatribes.
Marx also introduced the idea of commodity fetishism, which is a fairly compelling description of the modern US economy. He felt we’d all become slaves to it eventually. So, even though he never really fleshed out much worth implementing, he and Lenin had some interesting commentary on what they saw as problems that would arise from a society that became increasing focused on financial services and became addicted to consumer goods.
In an odd way, the financial crisis has brought on renaissance of the Marxist critique as well as a huge number of libertarians that are trying to have a Hayekian renaissance. Academics that study financial economics are asking similar questions but not quite in the way that you would think. The odd thing is that the very line of research that used to soundly tromp the Marxist assumption of the financial capitalist as parasite is sort’ve headed towards a refinement of the idea that too many bankers spoil the economy.
Every one is pretty much in agreement that much of the time, market economies do a fairly good job of sorting out who gets what. You can even speak with economists in Cuba and find out they are all planning for liberalization as long as it doesn’t reintroduce a flurry of exploitation. The problem is that real life markets don’t function very well when there are too many ‘frictions’. Just as in physics, frictions deform things. Frictions are basically things that cause less-than-efficient outcomes in markets where efficiency is strictly defined as the maximum quantity produced at a minimal price. In some cases, these things are caused by governments. Regulations, tariffs, quotas, and taxes can all cause frictions. Some are put in place purposely to warp the market outcome as is the case with sin taxes. Third party payers–like the health insurance industry–create frictions. Advertising creates incredible frictions.
Markets can have naturally occurring frictions like the placement of oil reserves or diamonds or gold in certain locations in the world. They can have frictions due to technology or economies of scale where it’s most efficient to have a single producer or monopoly because it is least expensive or necessary to create the minimal cost plant size. Think how huge car manufacturing or steel plants have to be so they are cost effective. Frictions are everywhere and they warp market outcomes. Free Market fetishists tend to ignore any friction not created by the government. In some cases, government is the source of the friction; in other cases, government–through regulation or policing of markets–can remove the frictions. Financial markets are riddled with two notorious frictions: information asymmetry and moral hazard. You can see how Marx grasped those problems philosophically. Lenin actually did studies using numbers. Hayek had his explanations of financial crises as did J.M. Keynes. Keynes went so far to say that financial markets were driven by “animistic spirits”. We’ve come a long way since all of them were actively writing but yet, some of the themes remain the same in new veins of inquiry.
There are several things out in the blogosphere that have brought me to discuss this topic with you. The first is a NYT editorial called ‘Banks are Off the Hook Again’. Banks are trying to get Federal lawmakers to override state laws on foreclosure in an attempt to avoid prosecution and the results from their foreclosure practices. They are–per usual–succeeding.
As early as this week, federal bank regulators and the nation’s big banks are expected to close a deal that is supposed to address and correct the scandalous abuses. If these agreements are anything like the draft agreement recently published by the American Banker — and we believe they will be — they will be a wrist slap, at best. At worst, they are an attempt to preclude other efforts to hold banks accountable. They are unlikely to ease the foreclosure crisis.
All homeowners will suffer as a result. Some 6.7 million homes have already been lost in the housing bust, and another 3.3 million will be lost through 2012. The plunge in home equity — $5.6 trillion so far — hits everyone because foreclosures are a drag on all house prices.
The deals grew out of last year’s investigation into robo-signing — when banks were found to have filed false documents in foreclosure cases. The report of the investigation has not been released, but we know that robo-signing was not an isolated problem. Many other abuses are well documented: late fees that are so high that borrowers can’t catch up on late payments; conflicts of interest that lead banks to favor foreclosures over loan modifications.
The draft does not call for tough new rules to end those abuses. Or for ramped-up loan modifications. Or for penalties for past violations. Instead, it requires banks to improve the management of their foreclosure processes, including such reforms as “measures to ensure that staff are trained specifically” for their jobs.
This is a really good example of maintenance of mutually destructive frictions in a market. It creates uncertainty. It does not contribute to translucence and information. It ensures a lop-sided process. In short, it guarantees certain market failure and it sets up the winners and the losers. It’s something about which both Marx and Hayek would rant. For that matter, J.M. Keynes wouldn’t be so judicious about it either.
States of Denial
Posted: February 17, 2011 Filed under: Economic Develpment, education, Elections, Federal Budget, poverty, Psychopaths in charge, public education, Republican presidential politics, The Media SUCKS, the villagers, U.S. Economy, U.S. Politics, unemployment, We are so F'd | Tags: education, Florida, Governor Bobby Jindal, Governor Chris Christie, Governor Rick Perry, Governor Scott Walker, Governors of Texas, Lousiana, public financing, public goods, Republican Governors, Rovernor Rick Scott, Wisconsin 25 CommentsGail Collins messed with Texas today. I’m rather glad she did because it shows exactly how much Texas seems to exist
in a vacuum of its own making. The head denier of reality is its wacko Governor who appears to get elected by saying the right things and doing very little. The state that forces its antiquated views through textbooks onto the rest of the nation has a huge problem in the numbers of children having children. This leads to all kinds of social problems that I probably don’t have to discuss here.
But, let’s just see how bad it gets down there with the denier-in-chief who seems to think abstinence education works and the Texas education system works when Texas’ own statistics show that they don’t work at all. Republicans get elected spewing untruths and he’s a prime case in point. The state’s out of money and like my governor Bobby Jindal, the first place Republican governors look is for cuts to education rather than look for new revenue sources. What is worse, they talk about improving children’s future while doing draconian cuts to children’s schools. How do they get away with it?
“In Austin, I’ve got half-a-dozen or more schools on a list to be closed — one of which I presented a federal blue-ribbon award to for excellence,” said Representative Lloyd Doggett. “And several hundred school personnel on the list for possible terminations.”
So the first choice is what to do. You may not be surprised to hear that Governor Perry has rejected new taxes. He’s also currently refusing $830 million in federal aid to education because the Democratic members of Congress from Texas — ticked off because Perry used $3.2 billion in stimulus dollars for schools to plug other holes in his budget — put in special language requiring that this time Texas actually use the money for the kids.
“If I have to cast very tough votes, criticized by every Republican as too much federal spending, at least it ought to go to the purpose we voted for it,” said Doggett.
Nobody wants to see underperforming, overcrowded schools being deprived of more resources anywhere. But when it happens in Texas, it’s a national crisis. The birth rate there is the highest in the country, and if it continues that way, Texas will be educating about a tenth of the future population. It ranks third in teen pregnancies — always the children most likely to be in need of extra help. And it is No. 1 in repeat teen pregnancies.
Which brings us to choice two. Besides reducing services to children, Texas is doing as little as possible to help women — especially young women — avoid unwanted pregnancy.
For one thing, it’s extremely tough for teenagers to get contraceptives in Texas. “If you are a kid, even in college, if it’s state-funded you have to have parental consent,” said Susan Tortolero, director of the Prevention Research Center at the University of Texas in Houston.
Plus, the Perry government is a huge fan of the deeply ineffective abstinence-only sex education. Texas gobbles up more federal funds than any other state for the purpose of teaching kids that the only way to avoid unwanted pregnancies is to avoid sex entirely. (Who knew that the health care reform bill included $250 million for abstinence-only sex ed? Thank you, Senator Orrin Hatch!) But the state refused to accept federal money for more expansive, “evidence-based” programs.
“Abstinence works,” said Governor Perry during a televised interview with Evan Smith of The Texas Tribune.
“But we have the third highest teen pregnancy rate among all states in the country,” Smith responded.
“It works,” insisted Perry.
“Can you give me a statistic suggesting it works?” asked Smith.
“I’m just going to tell you from my own personal life. Abstinence works,” said Perry, doggedly.
There is a high cost to a state to living in this kind of denial. Teen moms and children of teen moms are generally not a productive group of citizens. You pay to prevent this realistically or you pay for their and your mistake to do so throughout their entire lives. But, this seems to be the way of the new brand of Republican governor. These guys start running for president the minute they hit the mansion. They do so by following a litmus test of Republican items–regardless of the consequences to their states–that will make them sound like purity experts when they hit Iowa and New Hampshire. They will undoubtedly leave their state in ruins, but that won’t be the story by the time they’re on the lecture and talking heads circuit for higher offices.
The Governor of New Jersey is doing the same thing. He can read off a litmus list for the republican inquisition while at the same time ensuring the people of the state he governs languish. Again, he screams about the importance of the future of the children while simultaneously downsizing it.
In a clear shot at congressional Republicans over calls for curbing entitlement programs, he said, “Here’s the truth that nobody’s talking about. You’re going to have to raise the retirement age for Social Security. Woo hoo! I just said it, and I’m still standing here. I did not vaporize into the carpet.
“And I said we have to reform Medicare because it costs too much and it is going bankrupt us,” he continued, later comparing those programs to pensions and benefits for state workers that he’s been looking to reel back.
“Once again, lightning did not come through the windows and strike me dead. And we have to fix Medicaid because it’s not only bankrupting the federal government but it’s bankrupting every state government. There you go.”
Clearly looking to blunt criticism of his famously combative style, the former federal prosecutor said there is a method to the battles he picks, insisting, “I am not fighting for the sake of fighting. I fight for the things that matter.”
The speech was titled “It’s Time to do the Big Things,” and Christie suggested the items that Obama called for as “investments” in his State of the Union address were “not the big things” that need Washington’s focus.
“Ladies and gentlemen, that is the candy of American politics,” Christie declared, adding that it appeared to be a “political strategy” – or game of budgetary chicken – that both Republicans and Democrats are playing.
“My children’s future and your children’s future is more important than some political strategy,” he said. “What I was looking for that night was for my president to challenge me … and it was a disappointment that he didn’t.
It’s difficult not to scream when you hear these folks talk about our children’s futures while cutting education, telling children abstinence fairy tales, turning down money for infrastructure improvements —like the nitwit Republican Governor Rick Scott in Florida–that will likely create better environments for business and jobs, and refusing to look at their tainted tax systems that usually punish the poor and flagrantly ignore the assets and the incomes of the rich. It is clear whose children they have in mind. It is not yours or mine or the majority of the people who live in their states.
These guys seem intent on turning their states into third world countries. Many people seem more intent on letting them do it as long it doesn’t cost them anything immediate. Our fellow citizens appear beguiled by fairy tale promises and bribes of low taxes. They should not be surprised then by a future where they and their adult children live in rented shacks together with few available public services. They better just hope they don’t get robbed, the shack doesn’t catch fire, and there are no grandchildren needing public education. They’re voting to downsize these things into extinction.








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