A Short Treatise on Economic Development and the Role of Culture
Posted: May 13, 2009 Filed under: Economic Develpment, Global Financial Crisis | Tags: Culture, Ecnomic and Financial development Comments Off on A Short Treatise on Economic Development and the Role of CultureAnother little essay from my bag of tricks, hopefully this one is easier to grok than the last
Recently, economic development literature has stopped presupposing the existence of formal institutions like property rights and rule of law. It now examines the norms or social values that promote exchange, savings, and investment. This new line of research argues there is a cultural dimension to economic behavior. It is difficult to precisely define culture, but this line of research identifies cultural influences as “the informal shared values, norms, meanings, and behaviors that characterize human societies” (Fukuyama, 2001).
Traditional neoclassical economics downplays the role of specific societal norms in economic choice. The first
simplifying assumption in most models is that Homo Economus is a rational utility maximizing agent. This assumption underlies the simplest microeconomic model to the more complex macroeconomic and trade models. This means that human behavior is invariant across human societies. Culture, religion, tradition, and all other forms of societal identification are some residual factor accounted for within the white noise of random variation. Most sociologists will argue that cultural norms pervade economic choices and that an economy cannot be completely understood without understanding these cultural factors (Granovetter, 1985). Economists tend to presuppose shared norms. One of the reasons we see this is that cultural factors are methodologically very difficult to quantify, measure, and disentangle from other factors.
Economic historian Douglas North was one of the first economists to revive culturalist interpretations of economic development in the 1980s and 1990s. Institutionalists began to recognize the importance of norms in economic choices. North (1990) argued that institutions that are run by either formal or informal rules are critical in reducing transaction costs. This makes them essential to promoting economic efficiency. If a society, for example, cannot agree on property rights, there would be no incentive for innovators to take risks or make investments. Institutional economists like North, began to pay attention to more than just the rational, maximizing behaviors of agents (including households and business) and became interested in studying the importance of factors like history, culture, tradition and what is now known as ‘path dependent’ variables that have a role in shaping economic behavior and choices.
Besides a renewed interest in these things by institutionalists, it also became more apparent that traditional approaches to economic development were having mixed success depending on which continent you were studying.
The same factors examined in countries that were part of the Asian Tigers or Asian Miracle showed differing levels of importance when compared to the transition economies of the old Soviet successor states. Many Eastern European countries had to set up formal market institutions as well as judicial and political systems. It became evident that countries like Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic were experiencing relatively smooth transitions from centrally-planned economies. Russia and the Ukraine were experiencing many more troubles. Their institutions were generally weak and the levels of corruption were astounding.
As a result of these and the many challenges still presenting themselves in the Middle East and Africa, the World Bank and the IMF began to more closely examine cultural variables in their traditional development models. They begin to find that some uniquely Asian cultural characteristics were at play in the Asian Tiger countries. As a result, we now have a large amount of literature that studies culture factors and economic and financial development.
There are basically four channels that have become the focus of this line of literature. The first is the impact of cultural institutions on organization and production. The second is cultural factors that influence attitudes towards work and consumption. The third factor is how culture impacts the ability to create and then manage institutions. The last is the creation of social networks. Let’s look at each of these a bit more in depth.
A Credit Derivatives Primer
Posted: May 12, 2009 Filed under: Bailout Blues, Global Financial Crisis, U.S. Economy 2 Comments
While it’s short on mathiness, it’s long on financespeak. Another one of those speechie things I have given to people confused by what’s been going on in the financial markets. Don’t worry, I’ll quit posting academic things later this week! Meanwhile, don’t fall asleep!
Credit derivatives are a relatively recent financial innovation. They were first introduced in 1992 but not broadly traded until 1999 when documentation was standardized. The market for these securities is huge. Since 2000, it has increased from $900 billion to more than $45.5 trillion. This is roughly twice the size of the entire United States Equity Markets. Hedge funds are very active in this market and there is much concentration of the volume trade. Four large broker-dealers are responsible for the majority of transactions. JP Morgan Chase, Citibank and Bank of America have been the largest players. Most credit derivatives are credit default swaps (CDS). These are contractual agreements that transfer the default risk of one or more reference entities from one party to the other. It is designed to shift credit risk from one party to another. It is basically a bet on the health of a company or another set of assets like mortgages.
These instruments serve a role similar to insurance and appear to inject moral hazard into the banking community by leading to lax lending practices as witnessed by the current crises triggered by mortgage markets. Many traditional bank assets have been packaged and sold recently. This appears to be a side effect of the changing role of banks after GLBA. Credit derivatives were developed as an attempt to manage credit risk.
There is also risk stemming from problems in the market itself. Some of the biggest concerns come from the size of the notional outstanding. It is believed that the total size of credit default swap universe is about 10 times bigger than the underlying pool of cash bonds. This underlying mismatch has proved to be a problem as the market has recently become thin and less liquid. Deliverables have become an issue. This is probably one of the reasons that the government has proposed to buy “troubled assets” as part of the financial crisis rescue.
There is a clear and present danger, since the hedge funds have taken similarly losing positions and they may play a role in further destabilizing the market as they unwind these assets. This is one reason that the Fed is taking some of these assets onto their balance sheet as a strategy of their quantitative easing policy. They’d prefer to slowly unwind this market.
From My Ivory Tower
Posted: May 11, 2009 Filed under: Bailout Blues, Equity Markets, Global Financial Crisis, U.S. Economy | Tags: fiduciary responsibility, Financial Crisis, lend and hold mod 1 Comment(Note: I’m knee deep in end of the semester stuff so I thought I’d share with you my standard academic speech on the current financial meltdown.
Don’t fall asleep now!)
While the underlying causes of the current mortgage and housing crisis cannot be perfectly elucidated at the moment, there appear to both micro and macroeconomic factors at work. The macroeconomic factors can be traced to a prolonged period of excess global liquidity. The was induced by relatively low interest rates set by the Federal Reserve Bank and other central banks following the US recession in 2001 and the events of 9/11/2001. This excess liquidity went into the demand for residential investment and triggered large increases in housing prices.
The roots of microeconomic crisis can be found in industry practices by financial intermediaries including the ‘originate and distribute’ lending model. Other factors included poor regulation of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, major players in the residential housing markets, and the loosening of underwriting standards for loans and leverage requirements for investment banks. This encouraged banks to provide house loans to folks ill-suited for them that were securitized to meet an increasing demand. The inherent risk in these loans was mispriced. The loan origination process was especially weak as many mortgage originators were more concerned with producing volume to ensure bonuses than soundness. Agents securitizing these mortgages did not audit individual loans for soundness. Additionally, rating agency models seemed completely unable to discover underlying default risk. Prudent auditing practices were missing at all levels of the lending process.
As the demand for houses increased, prices of those homes increased which increased the number of construction companies building homes and speculation in the housing market. Many of the people that bought homes did so at inflated house prices. Given the lax lending standards, these folks did not necessarily have down payments or the credit history and income to pay for these loans as the economy slowed and interest rates began to rise. Many did not even care about the terms of the loans since they were not planning on holding them very long. Regulators missed the build-up of vulnerabilities as much of the risk was perceived to be transferred to other, unregulated securities markets. Home buying and financing became a speculative activity with many buyers that were unaware of the risk and unprepared to handle the consequences of a downturn.
At the time of the failure of Fannie and Freddie, they were leveraged at a level of 150 and poorly capitalized to handle loan losses. Since many of the loans originated at this time were packaged and sold on the secondary market, an increasing default rate brought down the value of these bonds as well as other types of derivatives created from mortgage related assets. Since it is difficult now to value these assets and there appears to be no bottom set in the market, banks are now reluctant to lend to each other in the interbank markets and prefer to maintain high liquidity to cover potential losses and deposit withdrawals. At the moment, we’re seeing governments injecting capital into banks as well as the end of investment bank as a standalone entity. While this situation should be temporary, banking laws should be changed to prevent any future occurrence.
Regulations are likely to change as the crisis winds down. Both Fannie and Freddie require a complete overhaul, something that was tried in 2000 by the Clinton Administration and then by Congress in 2003 and 2005. It is unseemly in a market economy that extraordinary profits be privatized while losses resulting from bad management and accounting practices should be turned over to the taxpayer.
Additional Regulation over the derivatives market is also likely to result. These markets have largely been ignored until the meltdown. The government should ensure that sound underwriting practices are not undermined to achieve ‘affordable’ housing—especially not by the GSEs and other organizations that carry implicit taxpayer guarantees. Encouraging old fashioned “lend and hold” banking would help this. Affordable Housing initiatives most likely require target funds and programs that ensure transparency in the origination process and place borrowers in appropriate loans. Additionally, secondary markets must be more transparent, more standardized, and more accountable. It is possible that a revision of the mark to market accounting practices will be narrowed to asset classifications that are rich with asset valuation information only. It is also possible that certain short-selling practices may see restrictions.
Past crises have also show that regulation in the U.S. is reactionary. One example is the reaction to the bank runs during the Great Depression. A further example is the thrift crises in the 1980s. Sophistication of the markets, increased options for saving and investing, and borrowing went farther than the Fed’s ability to monitor and manage bank performance. As these crises occur, regulators respond and frequently must wait until laws catch up. The current crisis is no different.
One of the most significant studies of systemic banking crises has just been produced by the IMF this fall. Laeven and Valencia (2008) identified 124 systemic banking crises over the period of 1970 to 2007. Their study evaluates crisis resolution policies put in place to contain the crisis as well as the challenge of long-run system stabilization. They have found that nonperforming loans tend to be high during the onset of a banking crisis. During a Crisis in Chile in 1986, non-performing loans peaked at 36% of total loans. These were the result of unsound banking practices such as a high level of connected loans. The authors found that the percentage of non-performing loans ran as high as 75% of the total loans in one country and averaged about 25% across country. They also found that banking crises were frequently preceded by credit booms. This was also the case in Chile where the average annual growth of private credit to GDP prior to its crisis was as high as 34.1 percent.
In the case of Turkey in 2000, the trigger of the crisis was the collapse of the interbank loan market. It especially failed in loans from large to small banks. Any bank that depended heavily on overnight funding failed. Authors pointed out that Turkey widely exhibited problems in macroeconomic factors. At the time, inflation was growing at 80 percent per annum in the 1990s. The government also ran high fiscal deficits. There was large public debt, high current account deficits and a generally weak financial system. Because of these macro vulnerabilities, the banks had exposure through holdings of government securities. There were also the micro risks of maturity and exchange rate mismatches coming from market risk. It is possible that these factors are present in the current global financial crisis. This could extend the period of crisis beyond normal expectations.
Dollar Dazed
Posted: May 9, 2009 Filed under: Global Financial Crisis, U.S. Economy | Tags: Dollars, Eurodollars, IMF, international currency, SDRs, Special Drawing Rights 2 CommentsOne of the debates coming out of the global financial crisis is the potential for the U.S. Dollar to loose its supremacy as
the safe-haven and international reserve currency of choice. The dollar has not experienced this kind of problem since the 1970s when U.S. inflation threatened the Bretton Woods agreement. The threat to the dollar’s supremacy is based on different issues this time around. The first issue is the pervasive and increasingly huge U.S. trade deficit which has contributed to huge dollar holdings in oil rich countries and China. The second issue is the widespread acceptance and credibility of the Eurodollar.
Prior to the GS 2- meeting, China called for replacement of the U.S. Dollar by Special Drawing Rights (SDR) as the international reserve currency. This would certainly diminish U.S. economic influence around the world. What is an SDR and what is the chance it will supplant the Dollar as the currency of choice in the global economy? The best place to learn about Special Drawing Rights is to go straight to the IMF website.
The SDR is an international reserve asset, created by the IMF in 1969 to supplement the existing official reserves of member countries. SDRs are allocated to member countries in proportion to their IMF quotas. The SDR also serves as the unit of account of the IMF and some other international organizations. Its value is based on a basket of key international currencies.
As you can see, SDRs have been around for some time. They were created during the inflationary period of US history to support the Bretton Woods Agreement. This agreement established a fixed exchange rate regime to help build the global economy as it was experiencing World War 2. Bretton Woods is a small town in New Hampshire and served as the meeting place for the representatives of the 44 Allied Nations. This agreement was the basis of international currency evaluation until it’s official demise in 1976 in Jamaica. The system had collapsed prior to that date so the Jamaican agreement was really just an ex poste meeting to officiate the end.
Since then, most of the world’s currencies are traded on markets and the market determines their exchange rates. This is called a flexible exchange rate regime. Not all countries have flexible exchange rates. Some countries (because of weak governments or problems with inflation) peg their currencies to a stronger currency in their geographic area. Other countries adopt the currency of their economically stronger neighbors. Some form currency unions where they share a common currency. The biggest of these unions is the Eurozone which remains a coalition of politically independent countries that rely on the Eurodollar for trade. Both the Wikki site I referenced above as well as the International Monetary Fund site have some really interesting historical backgrounds and are worth the read. I’ve read through the Wikki reference and can guarantee that information on it is correct so that I do not have to send you to a textbook or someplace more complex. (International Trade, Finance, and Macroeconomics are my primary research areas now. I’ve somewhat branched out from my first masters area which was just basically the Financial economy of the U.S. and it’s the subject of my dissertation.)
The SDR is the unit of account for the IMF and other international development funds. It’s not really a currency or a money as we tend to think of monies today. This is because it is not a claim on the IMF in the way that a dollar bill is a claim on the Federal Reserve Bank and essentially the U.S. Treasury. It is a potential claim on the set of currencies that it represents. These currencies are basically those of the IMF members and they are placed in what is known as a basket. The basket is a weighted average of all the currencies of the members. This is how SDRs are ‘created’ (also from the IMF link.) Today the basket consists of the yen, the Eurodollar, the U.S. dollar, and the U.K. pound sterling.
Zombie Negotiations
Posted: May 4, 2009 Filed under: Bailout Blues, Equity Markets, Global Financial Crisis, U.S. Economy | Tags: bank failures, Bank Stress Tests, zombie banks 3 CommentsI’m at the end of my semester which is the time when students that should’ve showed up in my office months ago suddenly feel they can negotiate a different result than the one listed in my syllabus and on my grade sheet. I’ve noticed this pattern in all my years of teaching. I get about a handful of them right after the first test that say, sheesh, I don’t think I get this what can I do? I get more than a handful the week before finals, when their grades are pretty much a given, saying, sheesh, I don’t think I can get this, what can you do for me?
There’s an implicit contract between me and my students and a good deal of it is stated in the syllabus which all of them get at the beginning of the semester. Over the years, it’s grown to being a pamphlet of sorts. Much of this has to do with either accreditation or legal requirements (like what to do if you’re disabled and need help with things). A lot of it is me trying to be absolutely, positively clear that we agree on the expectations we have in this class. I spend the entire first day going over all of these things and they all nod in agreement, don’t ask many questions, and hope they can leave early.
Why do I feel like the Fed is waving a syllabus in front of a few recalcitrant banks over the results of the so-called stress test? Are they asking why didn’t you come to us sooner when you had a problem? How much of a softie is the Fed going to be when a few of them want to renegotiate what it means to get an A,B,C, D, or F?





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